We are surrounded by surveillance cameras that record us at every turn. But for the most part, while those cameras are watching us, no one is watching what those cameras observe or record because no one will pay for the armies of security guards that would be required for such a time-consuming and monotonous task.

But imagine that all that video were being watched — that millions of security guards were monitoring them all 24/7. Imagine this army is made up of guards who don’t need to be paid, who never get bored, who never sleep, who never miss a detail, and who have total recall for everything they’ve seen. Such an army of watchers could scrutinize every person they see for signs of “suspicious” behavior. With unlimited time and attention, they could also record details about all of the people they see — their clothing, their expressions and emotions, their body language, the people they are with and how they relate to them, and their every activity and motion.

That scenario may seem far-fetched, but it’s a world that may soon be arriving. The guards won’t be human, of course — they’ll be AI agents.

Today we’re publishing a report on a $3.2 billion industry building a technology known as “video analytics,” which is starting to augment surveillance cameras around the world and has the potential to turn them into just that kind of nightmarish army of unblinking watchers.

Using cutting-edge, deep learning-based AI, the science is moving so fast that early versions of this technology are already starting to enter our lives. Some of our cars now come equipped with dashboard cameras that can sound alarms when a driver starts to look drowsy. Doorbell cameras today can alert us when a person appears on our doorstep. Cashier-less stores use AI-enabled cameras that monitor customers and automatically charge them when they pick items off the shelf.

In the report, we looked at where this technology has been deployed, and what capabilities companies are claiming they can offer. We also reviewed scores of papers by computer vision scientists and other researchers to see what kinds of capabilities are being envisioned and developed. What we found is that the capabilities that computer scientists are pursuing, if applied to surveillance and marketing, would create a world of frighteningly perceptive and insightful computer watchers monitoring our lives.

Cameras that collect and store video just in case it is needed are being transformed into devices that can actively watch us, often in real time. It is as if a great surveillance machine has been growing up around us, but largely dumb and inert — and is now, in a meaningful sense, “waking up.”

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Computers are getting better and better, for example, at what is called simply “human action recognition.” AI training datasets include thousands of actions that computers are being taught to recognize — things such as putting a hat on, taking glasses off, reaching into a pocket, and drinking beer.

Researchers are also pushing to create AI technologies that are ever-better at “anomaly detection” (sounding alarms at people who are “unusual,” “abnormal,” “deviant,” or “atypical”), emotion recognition, the perception of our attributes, the understanding of the physical and social contexts of our behaviors, and wide-area tracking of the patterns of our movements.

Think about some of the implications of such techniques, especially when combined with other technologies like face recognition. For example, it’s not hard to imagine some future corrupt mayor saying to an aide, “Here’s a list of enemies of my administration. Have the cameras send us all instances of these people kissing another person, and the IDs of who they’re kissing.” Government and companies could use AI agents to track who is “suspicious” based on such things as clothing, posture, unusual characteristics or behavior, and emotions. People who stand out in some way and attract the attention of such ever-vigilant cameras could find themselves hassled, interrogated, expelled from stores, or worse.

Many or most of these technologies will be somewhere between unreliable and utterly bogus. Based on experience, however, that often won’t stop them from being deployed — and from hurting innocent people. And, like so many technologies, the weight of these new surveillance powers will inevitably fall hardest on the shoulders of those who are already disadvantaged: people of color, the poor, and those with unpopular political views.

We are still in the early days of a revolution in computer vision, and we don’t know how AI will progress, but we need to keep in mind that progress in artificial intelligence may end up being extremely rapid. We could, in the not-so-distant future, end up living under armies of computerized watchers with intelligence at or near human levels.

These AI watchers, if unchecked, are likely to proliferate in American life until they number in the billions, representing an extension of corporate and bureaucratic power into the tendrils of our lives, watching over each of us and constantly shaping our behavior. In some cases, they will prove beneficial, but there is also a serious risk that they will chill the freedom of American life, create oppressively extreme enforcement of petty rules, amplify existing power disparities, disproportionately increase the monitoring of disadvantaged groups and political protesters, and open up new forms of abuse.

Policymakers must contend with this technology’s enormous power. They should prohibit its use for mass surveillance, narrow its deployments, and create rules to minimize abuse.

Read the full report here.

This week, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo formally announced the creation of a “Commission on Unalienable Rights.” Its stated purpose, according to a notice published in the Federal Register in May, is to provide “fresh thinking about human rights discourse where such discourse has departed from our nation’s founding principles of natural law and natural rights.”

The Trump administration’s actions and words — from threatening International Criminal Court judges and prosecutors, pulling out of the U.N. Human Rights Council and severing relations with its independent experts, to cozying up with authoritarian leaders and advancing xenophobic policies that defy international law — have made it abundantly clear that the administration has zero interest in being a global champion of human rights. This commission isn’t fooling anyone.

We know that references to “natural law and natural rights” are code words used by the religious right and social conservatives to advance anti-LGBTQ and anti-women’s rights agendas. We also know that members of the new commission have troubling anti-LGBTQ and abortion rights records. And based on the Trump administration’s record, there is good reason to believe the commission is intended to redefine universal human rights to fit the administration’s twisted and troubling worldview, with the clear and first target being the State Department’s long-standing work to advance the rights of LGBTQ people, women, and other vulnerable populations across the world. 

In defending the commission in a recent op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, Secretary Pompeo charged that human rights advocates have created “new categories of rights” that “blur the distinction between unalienable rights and ad hoc rights granted by governments.” And that the commission will “ground our discussion of human rights in America’s founding principles.”

That’s a load of nonsense. Secretary Pompeo speaks of longstanding international human rights norms as if he’s demonstrated a single iota of respect for them, and as if those norms are incongruent with defending human dignity and democratic values.

The Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) — which Secretary Pompeo names as a foundational document that will be examined by the commission — is grounded in democratic values of equal rights, justice, and the right to self-determination. It establishes the modern international human rights framework that provides the legal and moral authority to hold governments and other perpetrators accountable for human rights violations — a framework that the Trump administration seems bent on dismantling.

What Secretary Pompeo fails to understand, or perhaps acknowledge, is that this modern international human rights framework is made up of the very same traditions and values that also guided America’s democratic origins. In fact, all too often in our modern history, it is the U.S. — irrespective of the political party in power — that has failed to live up to the UDHR, including the UDHR’s promise of economic justice. Different groups throughout American history, including indigenous peoples, enslaved African people, and women, among others, have all been the victims of America’s double-standard.

When the United States has wavered on its commitment at home and abroad, it is the UDHR in many cases that has provided the framework to hold our country’s leaders accountable. That’s because the full spectrum of rights enshrined in the UDHR are preordained by well-recognized democratic values, traditions, and principles, including the founding principles of our democracy.  

The world has now witnessed the human costs of the Trump administration’s atrocious disregard for these basic human rights and democratic values: the inhumanity of family separation and detention, the discriminatory Muslim ban, the upended lives from the repeal of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, the revival of the racist ‘War on Drugs,’ numerous attempts to roll back advances in LGBTQ equality, trampling on the rights of women, and illegal restrictions on the rights of asylum seekers. Having had it with the world naming and shaming under the international human rights framework, the administration appears to be trying to find moral footing for President Trump’s discriminatory policies with the announcement of this commission.

Make no mistake: Pompeo’s commission is a dangerous initiative intended to redefine universal human rights and roll back decades of progress in achieving full rights for marginalized and historically oppressed communities. It is likely to use religion as grounding to deny human dignity and equality for all. It will undermine the existing State Department’s well respected and legally-mandated Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Affairs. And it will be a waste of taxpayer dollars, which would be better spent on implementing U.S. human rights treaty obligations and putting an end to Trump’s era of human misery and assault on our humanity.

We won’t let him get away with it.

Jamil Dakwar, Director, ACLU Human Rights Program
& Sonia Gill, Senior Legislative Counsel, ACLU

I believed that I had mastered the bondage behind the gates of penitentiary. I mastered it because I knew what I wanted, and what I needed to work towards once I was released back into my community.

Little did I know, on that last day, when I was finally dressed and the gates to freedom opened to me, everything that I knew I wanted and what I believed I could achieve would be altered by the reality of what inmates called, “the real world.”

Nothing in the penitentiary prepared me for the many trials and the many failed attempts I would have while trying to regain what I lost.

I paid my debt and served my time. And, instead of providing returning citizens like me an opportunity to prove I can be a productive citizen, we mount barriers to every step of returning to our democracy. What we’re really telling returning citizens when they reenter society is, “You may have paid your debt, but we’re not going to help you become productive.”

And that’s why so many returning citizens fail after they re-enter society. We should not be judged forever because of a mistake we made on our worst day.

There are so many barriers to successful reentry. We struggle for a second chance at employment, housing, education and more. How can I prove that I am redeemable if I never get a chance to even provide adequate food or shelter for myself? To live with full dignity?

I have two minimum wage jobs, an education that I can’t afford, and everyday I make the difficult decision to either buy groceries or pay money towards getting my driver’s license. Because I’m trying so hard to make ends meet, I have to find new and creative ways to explain to my child why I can’t attend their school functions.

I paid my debt eight years ago, and I am still considered “not redeemable” by some.

To get through this, I’ve had to learn how to accept and believe that the relationship between the person I was, and the person I am becoming will have to be enough. And that that person deserves a full and unfiltered second chance.

It wasn’t easy getting to that place, but I did it by believing four important things:

1. I learned to take each rejection as a step towards the right direction.
2. I learned to never give up. I didn’t let the word “No” defeat me or keep me from becoming a better version of myself.
3. I believed everyday had a chance at being a small beginning for something great. Never despise small beginnings. (This one is biblical, Zechariah 4:10, New Living Translation [NLT])
4. I believe the way I viewed myself had a direct effect on the way the world viewed me, and I am more than my past mistakes.  

These affirmations have helped me over the last eight years. They have kept me from going back to jail or prison when times get hard to bear.

I paid my debt and I earned my second chance. It’s time we remove barriers to reentry for folks like me and give us a true opportunity to reintegrate in our communities.